Canada and Argentina in the 20th century

Whenever I teach growth theory, I like to compare the Canadian experience with that of Argentina. Up until the 1930's, the two countries followed very similar paths: foreign investment financing the development of resource-based economies. But then the 1930's happened, and Canada and Argentina parted ways.

This is the best graphical demonstration that starting points are not destiny (the data are from Angus Maddison):
Can_arg
During the 65 years between 1870 and 1935, Argentina kept pace with Canada. Since then, Argentina's income per capita increased by a factor of 3, less than half that of Canada.

It's hard to see how that gap could be explained by anything other than the unhappy choices made by Argentina's political classes over the past four generations. Which makes me think that the answer to Dani Rodrick's question is a despairing 'yes'.

Update: Brad DeLong has just reposted his 1991 piece with Barry Eichengreen on the decisions Argentina took in the 1930s and afterwards.

2% of the population owns 50% of a very, very poor proxy for economic welfare

From a study that has generated some headlines:

The richest 2% of adults in the world own more than half of global household wealth according to a path-breaking study released today by the Helsinki-based World Institute for Development Economics Research of the United Nations University (UNU-WIDER).

The most comprehensive study of personal wealth ever undertaken also reports that the richest 1% of adults alone owned 40% of global assets in the year 2000, and that the richest 10% of adults accounted for 85% of the world total. In contrast, the bottom half of the world adult population owned barely 1% of global wealth...

‘One should be clear about what is meant by “wealth”,’ say co-authors James Davies of the University of Western Ontario, Anthony Shorrocks and Susanna Sandstrom of UNU-WIDER, and Edward Wolff of New York University. ‘In everyday conversation the term “wealth” often signifies little more than “money income”. On other occasions economists use “wealth” to refer to the value of all household resources, including human capabilities.’

‘We use the term in its long-established sense of net worth: the value of physical and financial assets less debts. In this respect, wealth represents the ownership of capital. Although capital is only one part of personal resources, it is widely believed to have a disproportionate impact on household wellbeing and economic success, and more broadly on economic development and growth.’

That last sentence deserves some scrutiny. The link between wealth and economic well-being is not a direct one: wealth generates income, and income is linked to welfare. Neither relationship appears to be very strong.

Firstly, wealth is not just physical and financial: human capital matters, too. My co-author Pascal St-Amour calculates that in the US, human capital is almost an order of magnitude larger than tangible capital. Human capital is of course not equally distributed - inequality in earned income is high and rising - but it is much less concentrated than nonhuman wealth.

Secondly, although it is a commonplace to note that income isn't the same thing thing as welfare, it's still an important point to remember. And again, the news here may not be so bad.  As the World Bank's Charles Kenney put it in the title of a 2004 article in World Development,  "Why Are We Worried About Income? Nearly Everything that Matters is Converging":

Convergence of national GDP/capita numbers is a common, but narrow, measure of global success or failure in development. This paper takes a broader range of quality of life variables covering health, education, rights and infrastructure and examines if they are converging across countries. It finds that these measures are converging as a rule and (where we have data) that they have been converging for some time.

Inequality is an important issue. But we should be focusing our attention on forms of inequality that matter most for economic welfare.

Economic growth and convergence

One of the main predictions of standard neoclassical growth models is convergence. If there are diminishing returns to capital, countries that have relatively higher levels of capital will have lower rates of return on investment than will countries in which capital is relatively scarce. Since poor countries offer higher rates of return on investment, they will accumulate capital at a faster rate - and will eventually catch up to rich-country levels of income.

Unfortunately for the model, empirical evidence in favour of the convergence hypothesis appears to be pretty weak. Here is what you get when you look at the relationship between income levels in 1950 and average growth rates over the period 1950-2001 for the 146 countries for which data are available (source is Angus Maddison's estimates):

Unweighted

If convergence was occurring between 1950 and 2001, the relationship between initial income and average growth rates should be negative: countries that were relatively poorer in 1950 should have had higher growth rates, so that they might catch up to richer countries. But the estimated relationship above is essentially zero.

Upon closer examination, things start to look a little odd. I've plotted an handful of countries whose importance - demographic, economic or (in the case of Canada) purely subjective - seemed to merit a second look. If you look at just those countries, the estimate seems somewhat surprising - a casual glance suggested that the negative relationship is in fact there.

One problem with the estimates in the above graph is that it treats each country as an equally-important observation. If we weigh the observations by population, we get this:

Weighted

This isn't new; others have found the same thing. But I thought it would be interesting to look at how this relationship has evolved over time (John Maheu and I have a project on structural breaks, so this is a question I ask myself fairly frequently these days). So here are the population-weighted results for the sub-periods of 1820-1870, 1870-1913, 1913-1950, 1950-1975 and 1976-2001. I've kept the same scale for each graph.

Fig1820

In the early 19th century, the story was clearly not one of convergence: countries that had industrialised first had higher incomes than those that hadn't, and they extended their lead.

Fig1870

In the latter part of the century, the dominant trend is still the distinction between high-growth industrialised countries and the rest of the world. But within that group, the convergence story begins to apply: the US and Germany start to catch up with the UK over this period, and countries such as Canada and Argentina benefited from capital flows from richer countries. Note also that since high-income countries had been growing faster, the dispersion of incomes in 1870 is greater than it had been in 1820.

Fig1913

By 1913, the US had caught up to the UK, and since geography set it (and Canada) from the worst of the effects of the two world wars, it emerged as the leading economic power. 

Fig1950

This graph more or less corresponds to the Bretton Woods era. Although this period had the highest rates of growth in history, this growth was mainly concentrated in countries that were already relatively rich in 1950. If there's a convergence story to be told, it's in the performance of Japan and Germany - countries that had lost ground against the US during the first part of the century.   

Fig1976

It is only in the last 25 years or so where we finally see convergence. The most important data point is of course China, but even if China is excluded from the sample, the relationship between initial incomes and average growth rates is still negative.

There are lots of conclusions that could be drawn from this exercise, but I think the most important one concerns international capital mobility. Whenever capital is free to move from rich to poor countries, poor countries catch up.